October 8, 2004
Orwell Goes to War
Des Moines Register Editorial
We live in Orwellian times, where
obvious falsehoods are asserted brazenly as the truth.
The day after the final report of
the Iraq Survey Group confirmed that Iraq had no weapons of
mass destruction and no active programs to produce them,
Vice President Dick Cheney blithely asserted that the report
justified the invasion of Iraq.
No, Mr. Vice President, the
report shattered the last forlorn hope that the war was
necessary. It established that Iraq posed no threat to the
United States before the 2003 invasion or any time in the
foreseeable future. President Bush, on the very day the
report was issued, said, "There was a risk, a real
risk, that Saddam Hussein would pass weapons or materials or
information to terrorist networks."
No, Mr. President, you don't seem
to get it. Saddam had no weapons or materials to give. The
chemical and biological weapons were destroyed years ago,
and Iraq's capacity to develop nuclear weapons was actually
deteriorating at the time of the invasion. Not to mention
that Saddam had no meaningful ties with terrorists. On
Thursday, Bush dropped the reference to weapons but
continued to insist Saddam had knowledge of weapons that
could have been given to terrorists. That's knowledge anyone
can get off the Internet.
When the United States was
gearing up to invade, United Nations arms inspectors were in
Iraq. If they had been allowed a few more months to complete
their work, they would have discovered what the
post-invasion inspectors now report - that Iraq had no
stockpiles or active programs involving weapons of mass
destruction. But President Bush insisted the invasion
couldn't wait. He described a "grave and immediate
threat" from Iraqi weapons of mass destruction. During
the futile search for weapons after the invasion, the words
changed in an Orwellian rewriting of the justification.
"Immediate threat" was downgraded to just a
"threat" and then to a "gathering
threat." Now it's clear there was no threat, gathering
or otherwise.
Similarly, the words about
weapons changed. The president and his advisers asserted
with absolute certainty that Iraq had weapons of mass
destruction. When no weapons turned up, they insisted Iraq
had weapons programs . When no evidence of programs was
found, they spoke of "weapons of mass
destruction-related program activities." Orwell must
have been grimacing in his grave. The kindest interpretation
of events is that the president was the victim of faulty
intelligence - that he did what he thought was right to
protect the country on the basis of bad information. The
unkindest interpretation is that he deluded himself and the
nation by selectively believing only the intelligence that
supported a preconceived fixation on invading Iraq.
Either way, the invasion will go
down as one of the worst foreign-policy blunders in American
history. It does not diminish the sacrifices of America's
magnificent soldiers, nor does it deny that Saddam was a
brutal thug, to recognize that the security of the United
States was not enhanced by the invasion of Iraq. It is a
tragedy that compounds every day because each day it looks
increasingly less likely that the Middle East will end up
being a better place in the aftermath.
It's an awful dilemma. If
American troops are withdrawn, Iraq is likely to
disintegrate into a civil war that could produce a terrorist
regime. The invasion will have created the very thing it was
supposed to have prevented. But the longer American troops
stay, the more intense the anti-American insurgency becomes.
How many more American lives will be lost trying to
establish stability in an inherently unstable situation?
Neither President Bush nor his opponent, John Kerry, has put
forward a credible solution to the dilemma. But a solution
must be found, and the search must begin by acknowledging
reality.
Go to Original
Bush's Isolation from
Reporters Could Be a Hindrance
By Mike Allen
The Washington Post
Friday 08 October 2004
Some Presidential advisers worry that he could pay
price during debates for being overprotected.
During a campaign forum in the
Cleveland suburbs last month, President Bush was asked
whether he likes broccoli, to disclose his "most
important legacy to the American people" and to reveal
what supporters can do "to make sure that you win Ohio
and get reelected."
The "Ask President
Bush" forums, which on television look like
freewheeling sessions with the commander in chief, are
tightly managed by the Bush-Cheney campaign, with the
president calling mainly on people sitting in sections
filled with his most loyal supporters. At one such event, a
veteran's question was whether Bush would permit him
"the honor of giving our commander in chief a real Navy
salute, and not a flip-flop."
Several Bush advisers said the
president may well pay a price for his decision to remain
isolated from tough or unexpected questions when he faces
Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), whose events are notably less
scripted, in a town-hall-style debate tonight at Washington
University in St. Louis. The questions are likely to be
tougher than those he faced when he taped an interview about
parenting for the "Dr. Phil" show this summer.
The debates, which will conclude
Wednesday in Arizona, have brought new scrutiny to Bush by
tens of millions of people who are accustomed to seeing him
only in brief clips or formal settings. Bush received poor
ratings in polls after television shots from the first
debate showed him fidgeting and grimacing under challenges
by Kerry, and his remarks became repetitious and at times
peevish.
Wayne Fields, a specialist in
presidential rhetoric at Washington University, said the
first debate showed Bush had been overprotected. "If
you don't talk to the press and deal with audiences with
some degree of skepticism, you can't build understanding so
people have confidence in you in hard times," Fields
said. "His handlers think they're doing him a favor,
but they're not."
Bush has granted three interviews
in the past five weeks, to conservative Bill O'Reilly of Fox
News, the Manchester (N.H.) Union Leader and WMUR-TV in New
Hampshire. Several national news organizations were being
considered for interviews after the Republican National
Convention, but the interviews did not occur after Bush took
a temporary lead over Kerry in polls. Other interviews are
still being considered, his staff said.
The president has stopped taking
questions from the small pool of reporters who cover his
photo opportunities, and he has answered questions from the
White House press corps twice since Aug. 23, both times with
interim Iraqi Prime Minister Ayad Allawi at his side. His
last prime-time news conference was April 13.
The tradition of the White House
news corps shouting questions at the president has largely
faded during this term because Bush reacts testily and does
not answer, and his staff typically sets up events so he
does not have to walk near reporters.
Tonight's town-hall audience of
about 100 will ask 15 to 20 questions and will consist of an
equal number of voters who say they lean toward Bush or
Kerry but could change their minds, plus a few who say they
are undecided. Bush's debate negotiators had sought to
eliminate the event from the debate schedule because they
were concerned that partisans could pose as uncommitted
voters and slip in with tough or argumentative questions.
Although all presidents are kept
somewhat removed from reality because of security concerns
and their staffs' impulse for burnishing their image, Bush's
campaign has taken unprecedented steps to shield him from
dissenters and even from curious, undecided voters. On the
way to the forum outside Cleveland, the media buses that
went ahead of Bush were temporarily marooned in a church
parking lot because police had been told to divert all buses
since they could contain demonstrators.
Bush's handlers have pulled the
presidential bubble especially tight during the campaign,
but he often has kept his distance from the public and the
media throughout his term. He rarely plays tourist on trips,
and has held the fewest solo news conferences of any
president since records were kept.
Bush has held 15 solo news
conferences since taking office. At the same point in their
presidencies, according to research by Martha Joynt Kumar of
Towson University in Maryland, Bill Clinton had held 42;
George H.W. Bush, 83; Ronald Reagan, 26; Jimmy Carter, 59;
Gerald R. Ford, 39; Richard M. Nixon, 29; Lyndon B. Johnson,
88; John F. Kennedy, 65; and Dwight D. Eisenhower, 94.
When reporters asked in
mid-September about a chance to question the president about
his National Guard records, White House press secretary
Scott McClellan replied that Bush "takes questions on a
regular basis," adding, "We always take your
concerns under consideration."
Mike McCurry, who was Clinton's
press secretary and is a senior adviser to Kerry, said Bush
was hurt in the first debate because his aides do not appear
to recognize the benefits of having reporters
"regularly ask the hard questions that are on the mind
of the public."
"They have been very
effective and disciplined at managing a message and getting
through," McCurry said. "Until now, they have not
paid any real price in their press coverage. They have
mostly been getting out of the news every day what they
wanted to."
Bush used to frequently talk to
small groups of local reporters as his campaign bus rolled
through their state, although such roundtables have tailed
off.
For the extraordinary state of
Ohio, Bush made an extraordinary effort. On Sept. 1, two
executives and a reporter from the Columbus Dispatch were
ushered up the front steps of Air Force One - a treatment
unheard of for journalists.
The White House suggested the
venue after the newspaper asked Bush to meet with its
editorial board. The front-page headline that emerged from
the 45-minute interview was a quote from the president:
"The Country's Getting Better."
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