This article originally provided by
The
Village Voice
January 26, 2005
The Most Dangerous Lawyer in America
Gonzales' testimony was a joke;
his written responses are no laughing matter
The many sides of Alberto Gonzales: "No" and "I don't
recall." (White House photo)
The case against Alberto Gonzales's nomination as
U.S. attorney general is too much, too late.
Having caved to the regime throughout George W. Bush's
first term, especially when it came to supporting the
unjustified invasion of Iraq, the Senate has an almost
impossible task: Stopping this unqualified person from
becoming the nation's top law enforcement officer.
The result of this process is pure torture for any
reasonable observer: The senators get to express their
outrage, but to what end? If your attention span is getting
short, check out the brilliant little flash movie
How Did We Get Here? on the tortured logic of
Gonzales and the rest of the Bush regime; the video's put
together by the
Lawyers Committee for Human Rights. Start digression:
That dynamic organization has inexplicably (to me, at least)
changed its name to a slogan, Human Rights First. Is it
because you wanted to get the word "lawyers" out of your
title? Is it because you want to expand your membership to
non-lawyers? Don't be ashamed that most of you are lawyers;
some of my best friends and
family members went to law school and actually passed
the bar. Be proud that you're not using your law degrees
solely in the service of debentures or misadventures. End
digression.
Whatever its name, HRF is performing an admirable job of
watchdogging on the Gonzales nomination.
Someone has to, because the Senate hasn't. During the one
measly day the senators had their chance to question
Gonzales in person—see my January 6 gavel-to-give-up
coverage,
"Torture in Real Time"—he couldn't recall this and he
couldn't recall that, and he interspersed those responses
with frequent eructations of "no," "I don't think so," and
"I'll consult my schedule." So they submitted written
questions.
And the responses were even more disheartening. Vermont's
Pat Leahy distributed Gonzales's written
replies—which no doubt were written by people a lot
smarter than Gonzales himself. You can find them on the Web
at the smart and shrewd
Balkinization blog.
By now, you probably know that Gonzales confirms in
writing that the CIA can do anything it wants to people whom
it considers Al Qaeda suspects. Horrifying, all right,
especially in light of Bush's incessant carping about
spreading "freedom" and "liberty" throughout the world.
But lost in the furor over that are the future attorney
general's responses to purely domestic policies that are
impeding the spread of democracy throughout our own damn
country.
Gonzales flat-out rejected any criticism of
archaic drug-sentencing laws and federal sentencing
guidelines—the latter of which the Supreme Court just
overturned, by the way. You can refresh your memory
first by looking at Ohio law prof Douglas A. Berman's
Sentencing Law and Policy blog. Now take a look at
Gonzales's replies to Leahy's detailed written questions
about the rigidity of federal courts' mandatory minimum
sentences and of
such Draconian measures as New York's Rockefeller drug laws.
In one instance, Leahy pointed out that a conservative
federal judge, Paul Cassell of Utah, appointed by
Bush himself, described a mandatory sentence as "unjust,
cruel, and irrational." So Leahy asked Gonzales:
Do you agree with Judge Cassell that Congress and the
Administration should modify mandatory-minimum laws that
result in unjust sentences?
Gonzales replied, in part:
If confirmed, I pledge to carefully examine the
current system of mandatory-minimums with the focus on
protecting society and appropriately punishing culpable
offenders.
Pressing the point (as futilely as you can with written
questions, for God's sake), Leahy then asked:
Do you agree that, like New York, Congress should
reconsider the severity of drug sentences for
non-violent offenders which are out of proportion to
existing sentences for violent offenses? If not, why
not?
Gonzales replied, in part:
As I stated above, if confirmed, I pledge to examine
carefully the current system of mandatory minimum
sentencing with the focus on protecting society and
appropriately punishing culpable offenders.
Leahy then zoomed in on federal drug sentences, the laws
and guidelines that have resulted in a highly unfair and
racially unjust criminalization of a sizable proportion of
this generation's black and Latino Americans. Leahy asked:
Great injustices result from the application of
mandatory minimum sentences for drug offenses. In
particular, the application of mandatory minimums
against low-level drug users and sellers is
disproportionately harsh. In 1986 Congress created
mandatory minimum penalties in the Controlled Substances
Act and directed Department of Justice to focus on
high-level drug-trafficking cases. Triggers for five
year mandatory minimum sentences were set at 500 grams
of powder cocaine and 5 grams of crack cocaine.
Are you concerned that the current triggers for
five-year mandatory minimum sentences contribute to the
type of inequities described by Judge Cassell? Do you
have any concerns about our current mandatory minimum
sentences for drug offenders?
Gonzales's written response—the part in which he
actually says something:
As I stated, Congress has reserved the application of
mandatory minimums for high-priority areas of national
concern that most affect public safety, such as drug
offenses. It is my understanding that mandatory minimums
provide a clear deterrent and have been effective. . . .
If confirmed, I pledge to carefully examine the current
system of mandatory minimum sentencing with the focus on
protecting society and appropriately punishing culpable
offenders.
Do we detect a pattern in his responses? This type of
boilerplate bullshit is maddening.
Not that any reasonable person expects Alberto Gonzales
to be a voice for homeland justice. But the fact is that he
may turn out to be a lot more dangerous to our Constitution
than John Ashcroft was. Ashcroft was somewhat of a
loose cannon in the Bush regime. Gonzales is just a toady,
not a policymaker, so he'll do what Don Rumsfeld,
Dick Cheney, Karl Rove, and Andy Card want
him to do. And he doesn't carry the religious baggage of
Ashcroft—see any one of many
Nat Hentoff pieces, plus my own 2001 Voice story
"The Gospel According to the AG," for starters.
Now, with Gonzales about to take over law enforcement in
the U.S., y'all secular types should maybe take Ashcroft's
advice and start praying.
Posted by Harkavy at
12:27 PM, January 26, 2005
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